By FOIA Research
on March 19, 2019 - Last updated: November 22, 2021

Roberto Fiore

Roberto Fiore (born 15 April 1959 in Rome), a self-identified fascist,1 is the leader of the Italian far-right Forza Nuova party, and a founding member of the Italian neo-fascist Terza Posizione movement.

When an arrest warrant for Fiore was issued after the terrorist bombing of the Bologna railway station in 1980 that killed 85 people, he, together with 16 other fascists,2 fled from Italy to the UK. It has been alleged, i.a. in a publication by the European Parliament, that Fiore subsequently became an agent of the British secret service MI6.3 While living an undisturbed life in London until the charges against him lapsed in 1998, Fiore teamed up with the British fascists Nick Griffin, Derek Holland and Patrick Harrington, dissatisfied with the National Front, to form a more radical Political Soldier faction, which advocated a revival of country "values" and a return to feudalism by establishing nationalist communes.4

In 1999, Fiore returned to a public political life, taking over the leadership of the neo-fascist Fuorza Nuova party in Italy. Back then, Fiore was closely allied with the Ukrainian far-right Svoboda party, but following the War in Donbass, Forza Nuova and Fiore "made a considerable shift to the pro-Russian camp."5 Fiore is full of praise for rulers such as Vladimir Putin, as well as “perhaps the bravest leader of our era Bashar al-Assad.”6

Fiore’s decisively anti-Israeli and anti-American stance and his refusal of Steve Bannon’s far-right networking schemes can be deducted from statements such as7 :

Goodbye, Mr Bannon
We don’t want Americans that tell us what to do in Europe.
We don’t want foundations and parties with HQ in Israel to dictate our foreign policy.
We don’t want old capitalist theories to make our peoples poorer.
We don’t want prolife nice theories and then a reality of abortion at the ninth month.
Time to say goodbye, Mr Bannon.

Fiore, father of 11 children,8 has also appeared as an author of neo-fascist ideological tracts. In his lurid contribution to Winds of Change: Notes for the Reconquista, he is praising anti-abortion initiatives and citizen militias, and also sees a war ahead. Quoting from a chapter entitled “After the Night - the Dawn”6 : “Yes important and costly sacrifices will still be needed. Surely there will be casualties.”


In 1976, Fiore co-founded the far-right student organization Lotta Studentesca, together with fellow neo-fascists Walter Spedicato, Giuseppe Dimitri and Gabriele Adinolfi.9 In 1978 Lotta Studentesca renamed itself Terza Posizione (“Third Position,” TP), by then mainly composed of ex-members of previously existing neo-fascist, and partly terrorist, groups, such as Ordine Nuovo, Avanguardia Nazionale, Lotta di Popolo, and Fronte Studentesco. Peppe Dimitri was the leader of the group, while Roberto Fiore and Gabriele Adinolfi were TP’s most important ideologues. TP was a very short-lived “movement” (outlawed 1980; dissolved 1982), ideologically oriented toward traditionalism, nationalism, anti-parliamentarism and militarism. TP rejected both capitalism and communism, pledging instead for a political and economic “Third Position.” But despite the conciliatory sounding name, TP was clearly a right-wing extremist organization, drawing its inspiration mainly from (neo-)fascist ideologues, such as Julius Evola, Pierre Drieu la Rochelle and Corneliu Codreanu. With some TP members increasingly pledging for an armed struggle, they joined in parallel another group, the Nuclei Armati Rivoluzionari (Armed Revolutionary Nuclei, NAR), which turned into the militant arm of TP within a short  period. 

The history of TP radically changed its course after August 2, 1980, the day when a bomb explosion caused a massacre at the Bologna train station, killing 85 people and wounding 200. Within hours of the attack, then Prime Minister Francesco Cossiga saw a fascist matrix behind the massacre. With all leads pointing to members of TP and the NAR, an arrest warrant was issued against Fiore, Adinolfi, and others. This prompted Fiore, together with 16 other neo-fascists, to flee to London. Fiore and Massimo Morsello, who become one of Fiore's closest associates while living in the UK, found refuge there for the next 19 years (1980-1999), while the Thatcher government denied Italy’s extradition request.10 The two were considered unrelated to the massacre, although they belonged, according to the judiciary, to the fascist terror group Nuclei Armati Rivoluzionari ("Armed Revolutionary Nuclei," NAR).11

The escape of the TP executives abroad after the 1980 Bologna massacre was deemed cowardly behavior by the NAR toward the other militants, which was also followed by accusations against Fiore and Adinolfi of having taken with them the “cashier” of the movement. Letting it be understood that TP’s leaders had left the movement in disarray, a behavior no longer acceptable by the NAR, the group even tried to kill Fiore and Adinolfi on more than one occasion.12

According to a EU publication, after his arrival in the UK, in the early 1980s, Fiore became a MI6 agent3 :

Their [the National Front's] connection with Italian far right terrorist exile Roberto Fiore only did them harm when it was revealed that he had been an agent of British Intelligence Section Ml6 since the early 1980s.

In the UK, Fiore started to have a strong influence on the ideological direction of the British National Front (NF), and helped build up the International Third Position (ITP), a neo-fascist organization formed by a NF breakaway faction. Far right expert Nicholas Goodrick-Clarke writes about Fiore's impact at that time in Black Sun: Aryan Cults, Esoteric Nazism, and the Politics of Identity:4

In late 1980, a cell of Nuclei Armati Rivoluzionarice (NAR) fugitives arrived in London, where they made contact with Britain’s far-right National Front (NF). Roberto Fiore, a close associate of the imprisoned Mario Tuti; Massimo Morsello and his wife Marinella Rita; and Amadeo de Francisci and Stefano Tiraboschi were all subsequently convicted in absentia by a Rome court for NAR terrorist offenses involving armed conspiracy. Inspired by Evola and Codreanu, Roberto Fiore would have a catalytic influence on the new ideological direction of the NF. After its dramatic increases in membership and success at the polls in the strife-torn 1970s, the NF had seen its support draining to the new Conservative government of Margaret Thatcher, which vigorously addressed industrial unrest, rising crime and weak immigration control. This weakening and isolation of the NF had a radicalizing effect on its leaders and their ideology. A younger generation of university-educated NF activists, represented by Nick Griffin, Derek Holland and Patrick Harrington, felt that the NF’s soggy mixture of reaction, concern over law and order and the immigrant threat to jobs and homes lacked any theoretical sophistication. While the older NF leaders John Tyndall and Martin Webster were tainted by British neo-Nazism, the young men embraced the ideals of Italian neo-fascism.13

Roberto Fiore and his colleagues helped the NF forge a new militant elitist philosophy that foreswore electoral strategies in favor of educating and training a fanatical, quasi-religious “New Man” in select cadres for a national revolution. By 1983, this group—led by Griffin, Holland and Harrington—had broken away to form the NF “Political Soldier” faction. Cadres similar to Iron Guard legionary “nests” became the organizational unit, and training seminars were held at the Hampshire country house of Rosine de Bounevialle, the publisher of the Catholic anti-Semitic magazine Candour, originally founded by A. K. Chesterton. Backed by Fiore, the “Political Soldiers” published a new journal, Rising (1982–85), which emphasized the spiritual and cultural basis of a new social order. A revival of the countryside and a return to feudal values reflected Codreanu’s prewar attack on the decadence and materialism of urban life; nationalist communes were planned in upland areas of Britain. Archaic woodcut art juxtaposed knights and rural idylls with consumerism and modernity. Evola’s most militant tract was discussed, especially his call for a “Great Holy War” fought for personal spiritual renewal paralleling the physical “Little Holy War” on a material plane against national or ideological enemies. Like the hero of the Bhagavad Gita, Christian Crusaders, ancient Norse warriors and Roman legionaries were all united in the Aryan struggle for self-transformation and a nobler reality. Some indication of this struggle was given in a paean to Franco Freda, Italy’s most notorious neo-fascist terrorist.14

Together with Nick Griffin, Fiore founded the "travel agency" Easy London, a Mafia-like multi-business infrastructure that exploited Italians moving to the UK, which seems to have made substantial profits. According to an article by Tom Coburg in The Canary15 :

Fiore ran several charity shops with links to International Third Position (ITP) ... Indeed, at that time London was home to a number of hostels and employment agencies, allegedly linked to the Italian far-right via Fiore, as well as the travel agency Meeting Point/Easy London run by him.

Meeting Point/Easy London was originally set up by Fiore and British National Party’s Nick Griffin after the former and 16 other Italians fled to London following the 1980 Bologna railway station bombing. Meeting Point/Easy London ran 1,300 flats and provided work for young Italians along the lines of what today could be called modern day slavery. Fiore also ran “a chain of restaurants, Italian food shops, a music firm and some English schools” where fascists from across Europe would meet.

In 1985, Fiore was sentenced in absentia in Italy for being a member of the political wing of the Armed Revolutionary Nuclei. The NAR's armed wing was implicated in the Bologna bombing of 1980, which killed 85 people.1


In 1995, Fiore registered the Saint George Educational Trust.1

Like the St Michael trust, Saint George's stated objective is "to advance the Catholic religion in communion with the canonically elected pope". Both charities raise money through charity shops. Projects supported by St Michael include a commune in Spain for European nationalists. The latest St Michael accounts show an income of £43,349. It sent £7,000 to the Spanish village in 1997. Saint George's income last year was £13,000. The Spanish village is prominently promoted in publications and on websites of the International Third Position, a splinter group from the National Front formed in the late 1980s. The site has links to a number of white supremacist and paramilitary internet pages, including the American White Pride Network.The ITP, through its journal, Final Conflict, and its publishing house, the Legionary Press, based in the New Forest, distributes fascist and anti-semitic literature and calls for repatriation of black people.Posters on offer in Final Conflict include pictures of Hitler, Mussolini and the Waffen SS.1

In November 1997 an investigation began into the Saint George Educational Trust and the Trust of St Michael the Archangel, after allegations that they were fronts for far-right nationalist activities in Britain and Europe.1

Forza  Nuova

The far-right Forza Nuova ("New Force") party was founded on September 29, 1997, at a meeting in Cave, in the province of Lazio, organized by Francesco Pallottino, leader of a Nazi rock group. The founders Fiore and Morsello were still fugitives in London and did not return until 1999. Forza Nuova has repeatedly been criticized for its radical positions and for acts of violence amongst its adherents. It was also the protagonist of political campaigns opposed to same-sex marriage and immigration to Italy.

In 1998, the Italian court of appeals announced that Fiore’s sentence for his part in the 1980 Bologna bombing had expired,16 whereupon he and Massimo Morsello returned to Italy in 1999,17 and took over the leadership of Forza Nuova. Not long afterwards, in March 2001, Morsello died from cancer.

According to the statements by former construction worker Dave Smith who provided extensive testimony to the UK UnderCover Police Inquiry (UCPI) launched in November 2020, ‘spycop’ Carlo Soracchi (aka Carlo Neri) incited trade unionists to firebomb one of Roberto Fiore's shops, presumably sometimes in the late 1990s or early 2000s.18


In 2000 Fiore published together with Gabriele Adinolfi Noi Terza Posizione ("Our Third Position"), and thus was reviving their common Terza Posizione project of the mid-1970s.

As of 2008, Fiore was running a language school called CL English Language.19 In 2009, Fiore became a Member of the European Parliament when he took over the seat of neo-fascist Alessandra Mussolini, grand-daughter of the Duce, after she had resigned.


According to Political Capital:

In November 2013 the head of the British National Party (BNP) Nick Griffin, the head of New Force, Roberto Fiore and the spokesperson for Greek Golden Dawn, Ilias P. Kasidiaris were on a visit to Moscow and held a joint news conference. The "guest list" is given special significance by the constellation of their party alliances. The New Force has close ties to Golden Dawn through the European National Front (FNE), established in 2004 by far-right parties and presided over by Fiore. On the other hand, BNP is part of the Jobbik-led Alliance of European National Movements (AENM), where the French National Front was a former member.

In 2014, a phone between Fiore and Alessio Constantini was intercepted in the course of the inquiry by the Raggruppamento Operativo Speciale (ROS) into the 2014 immigrant hunt.20 It revealed that the two agreed that Stefano Delle Chiaie was behind a rapprochement of the Lega (then still Lega Nord) and CasaPound. Constantini remarks on a meeting between Delle Chaie and Fiore in Rome. It is unclear whether this meeting was the same as in Anzio (near Rome), mentioned by Saverio Ferrari in a 2016 article.21

Unaware of being intercepted by the Carabinieri of the ROS, Fiore, on 26 September 2014, spoke freely with Alessio Costantini, Roman head of FN [Forza Nuova].

"Casapound no longer stands for what it stood for four years ago,” he begins. Then he adds: "If Maurizio Boccacci (the leader of Militia Italia, historical leader of the extreme right of the Castelli Romani, ed.) moves, he moves because a whole series of situations are moving. And this is secret service stuff. This is the state. It's the secret services, given the fact that Boccacci receives a paycheck, people can confirm it to you that...". Shortly before Costantini had updated Fiore on the latest news: "They are all back together with Delle Chiaie, Giuliano (Castellino, ed), Boccacci, and form a group of shit.”

An alliance that Fiore sees as smoke in the eyes, to the point of dwelling in predictions about the future of the black rivals of CasaPound: "Now Simone Di Stefano (secretary of CP, ed.) has started to play the spokesman of Borghezio (Lega, ed.). It's not a great place for the head of the movement. They put themselves in a situation of vassalage", Fiore says and then explains to his interlocutor that "already in certain sections of CasaPound, for example in Abruzzo, there is the shit of the League". This - however, according to Fiore - is positive. Evidently hoping that this alliance will end up weakening them and benefiting Forza Nuova.

Then there is the part about Delle Chiaie. Costantini reports of a meeting in Rome between the former leader of the Avanguardia Nazionale and Borghezio: "Delle Chiaie is always in the shadows, obviously he can never be a front man. But he's the one who has contacts in Rome and can make a particular situation happen in Rome between the various groups." The two then move on to discuss strategies, agreeing that the wind should be "favorable" to those who "stay free" in the extreme right. An advantage that, however, requires prudence: "I know personally that in the moment in which you remain alone you are crushed, and we at this time do not yet have the defences to counter ... " . In short: the Lega-CasaPound axis is worrying them, but the two leaders of Forza Nuova agree that they do not have the strength to swing the case, limiting themselves to devising a wait-and-see strategy, assessing the evolution of events."

In 2015, the European parliamentary group Alliance for Peace and Freedom was founded, which was joined by several radical far-right parties, whose president and chairman became Roberto Fiore. The APF can be considered a sibling of the “European National Front” (2004-2009). APF members are i.a. from the British Unity Party, Forza Nuova, NPD, Democracia Nacional and, until 2017, Golden Dawn.

The APF maintains contacts with the former leader of the French Front National, Jean-Marie Le Pen, who joined the group in March 2018. That the APF has established tangible contacts with the Russian far right as well, shows a meeting of representatives in St. Petersburg in 2016:22

On March 22 the Russian International Conservative Forum was held in St. Petersburg, which brought together representatives of mostly marginal Russian and European ultranationalist and neo-Nazi groups. The participants included representatives of Greece’s Golden Dawn, Italy’s New Force, Bulgaria’s Ataka, the MEP Udo Voigt, the ex-leader of the National Democratic Party of Germany; and Nick Griffin, ex-leader of the British National Party, among others. Most of the groups are represented in the Alliance for Peace and Freedom, which held its first congress in February in the European Parliament. On the Russian side were representatives of nationalist and monarchist circles, as well as groups of experts. The forum was organised by the nationalist Rodina party, although its current leadership was not present at the meeting, and nor was its founder and political patron, the deputy prime minister Dmitry Rogozin. No official representatives of the Russian government participated in the forum, and the Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov declined to comment.

Most of the parties participating in the APF, notably the British Unity Party, NPD, Forza Nuova, Democracia Nacional and Golden Dawn, have been associated with terrorist activities in the past.

On March 16, 2019, Al-Manar TV (Lebanon) aired a report about a delegation, organized by the EU party Alliance for Peace and Freedom, which met Hezbollah’s foreign affairs chief Ammar Al-Moussawi in Beirut to express their support, including Fiore and the German Neo-Nazi leader/MEP Udo Voigt.23 24

In the course of their Lebanon trip, Fiore, Voigt as well as Nick Griffin met with Lebanon's President Michel Aoun.25

In September 2019, Fiore was photographed while attending the funeral of Italian neo-fascist terrorist Stefano Delle Chiaie.26


In mid-December 2020, Fiore's Forza Nuova party announced that it would no longer appear in elections or participate in major street demonstrations. The party's openly neo-fascist positioning and its history tainted by far-right street violence, made it apparently difficult to grow beyond a radical minority. Instead, the Forza Nuova leadership opted for a "rebirth," this time joining forces in a red-brown alliance with M5S apostates and other red-brown activists.

To that end, FN leaders, alongside lawyer Carlo Taormina (former Forza Italia and Movimento 5 Stelle), established an allegedly transversal political project, Italia Libera (Free Italy). Taormino described the project as follows to ADN Kronos27 :

The revolutionary government of Free Italy has been constituted and is ready to take the place of the one currently in office, which oppresses the Italians with its health dictatorship and a judiciary as far from being popular as possible.

On October 10, 2021, Fiore and Giuliano Castellino, another leader of the Forza Nuova party, together with 10 others were arrested in connection with a mass demonstration against the government's COVID-19 policies, in which demonstrators violently clashed with the police. The protests followed the Italian government's decision to make a vaccination against COVID-19 or a negative test obligatory at the workplace. According to Deutsche Welle28 :

One group of protesters attempted to push their way past police lines to reach Prime Minister Mario Draghi's office. A separate group stormed the headquarters of the Italian General Confederation of Labor (CGIL), one of Italy's oldest and biggest trade unions. Protesters were also seen throwing chairs and chanting slogans like "freedom, freedom." ... Their cause has been backed by far-right, neo-fascist groups, whom local politicians accused of orchestrating Saturday's violence.


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