By FOIA Research
on August 9, 2018 - Last updated: December 23, 2020


The Union of Mladorossi (Russian: Союз Младороссов, Soyuz Mladorossov, also Mladorossy) was a political group of Russian émigré monarchists (mostly living in Europe) which advocated a hybrid of Russian monarchy and the Soviet system, best evidenced by their motto "With the Tsar and the Soviets." The organization started in 1923, as the "Union of Young Russia" (Russian: Союз Молодой России, Soyuz Molodoi Rossii) in Munich, changing its name to the Union of Mladorossi in 1925.

Although much has been written about the Mladorossi movement’s ideology, many details about its activities and networks remain still in the dark. Among the most valuable sources, are the unpublished memoirs of Harald Karlovich Graf, the private secretary of Grand Duke Kirill Vladimirovich, as well as head of his Chancellery.1 Although his account is tainted by his own political stance, he has been in close contact with the Mladorossi throughout its existence, and offers great insight into the inner workings of the organization. Despite the Mladorossi’s activities in Germany, there are only a few German sources available, notably a master thesis by Denis Jadanoff, who peripherally mentions the organization. Richard Hayes, in his essay "Kazem-Bek and the Young Russians’ Revolution,” offers an excellent analysis of the ideology of the Mladorossi, and Walter Laqueur, in Black Hundreds, also gives a general overview over the organization.


The Mladorossi movement is interpreted as a synthesis of elements of Italian fascism, national bolshevism and monarchism.2 Under the slogan "Tsar and soviets," its aim was a transition from the Soviet council system to Tsarism by way of a socialist monarchy.3 The movement supported Grand Duke Kirill Vladimirovich as heir apparent to the Russian throne, who himself approved of the organization.4

Alexander Kazem-Bek

The Mladorossi were also strongly opposed to freemasonry and international capital,5 and their discourse was drenched with anti-semitic and white supremacist undertones.6 Its leader, Alexander Lvovich Kazembek (1902-1977) overtook all the external attributes of fascism, its uniform, military discipline, and its leader cult. With harsh words Kazembek described pre-revolutionary Russia as rotten to the core, suffering from “social syphilis” as a result of its “philistinism” and “bourgeois acquisitiveness."7 He saw its collapse of 1917, and the ensuing civil war, as a necessary catharsis that would purify the nation.8 This attitude caused much consternation in émigré circles, especially among the older generation.

Early phase (until 1945)

In February 1923, a monarchist youth congress, funded by Grand Duchess Victoria Feodorovna,9 was organized in Munich, with the aim of attracting young people to the ranks of the Legitimist movement.10 The organizers were: Alexander Lvovich Kazembek, B. K. Likhachov, V. K. Zbychevsky, and S.M. Tolstoy-Miloslavsky.9 About fifty delegates arrived in Munich, representing Russian monarchist youths of Paris, Southern France, Berlin, Prague, and Belgrade. The assembly was organized under the name of "Union of Young Russia” (Союз Молодой России, Soyuz Molodoi Rossii).

From this founding congress the namesake movement sprang forth, and it was decided to create sections in France, Berlin and Belgrade. The French section was at first led by Tolstoy-Miloslavsky,11 but shortly after by Alexander Lvovich Kazembek, who soon became leader of the Union. He was directly responsible for the movement’s activities towards Kirill and Victoria, and was a regular visitor of their home in Saint-Briac in Northern France, the “center” of the Legitimist movement.12

The Kazembek family came from the highest strata of Russian society. Aleksander Lvovich’s great-grandfather Alelsandr Kasimovich Kazembek was a widely renowned scholar. Aleksandr Aleksandrovich Kazembek, his grandfather, held the position of senator, and master of court. He was married with the sister of Leo Tolstoy, Mariia Nikolaevna.13 Kazembek’s father, Lev Aleksandrovich, was a Page Corps graduate, served as an officer in the Guards, and later worked at the Bank of the Nobility. Later in his career he held prominent political positions, such as “marshal of the nobility in Vilnius, honorary justice of the peace in Vilnius, and ‘Gentleman of the Court.’”14 Another Kazembek family member, Prince Mirza Kazembek, was in contact with Aufbau before the creation of the Mladorossi.15 In February 1922, the Kazembek family emigrated, and eventually reached Belgrade via Constantinople together with the retreating White Army, which the young Kazembek had joined at the age of sixteen.16 From there the Kazembeks were heading to Paris via Germany. At the foundation of the Mladorossi Union in 1923 Aleksander Lvovich was around 20 years old, and had not finished his studies.

Kazembek was confronted with a situation that most of the young émigrés faced: They had lost their former privileges, and had to struggle with poverty, as well as the lack of professional possibilities in exile. From this pool of disgruntled sons of émigrés, who "suffered a severe problem of identity,"17 the Mladorossi Union could draw its first acolytes. The young people who joined the organization in its early days belonged to prominent émigré families.12 Its members were to a large part the young cadres of the Russian Legitimist Movement (Union of Russian Legitimist Monarchists), headed by Grand Duke Kirill Vladimirovich, an organization that still exists today.18

From the account of Harald Karlovich Graf it transpires that the Mladorossi Union was serving as the more radical arm of the Legitimist movement, and thus is comparable to the divided structure of the ROVS/NTS, where the NTS also represented the young, radical branch of ROVS. He writes in this regard12:

Over the years, as the Legitimist organization grew, also the Mladorossy developed an impressive and greatly active network. It should not be forgotten that it was more effective in the direct struggle against communism than the more "official" but more passive networks of our Movement. [...] Such a modus vivendi guaranteed the Mladorossy a freedom of action while avoiding that the Movement was held responsible for its blunders and exuberance.

Amongst the early supporters of the Paris section Graf mentions Kazembek, Shevich, Likhachov, Yelita-Viltchkovsky, Zbychevsky, Stenger, Krassinsky, the Gorbov brothers and Stefanovich.19

In 1925 the organization changed its name to "Union of Young Russians" (Soiuz Mladorossov), and in 1926 established its headquarters in Paris.17 In 1928, a first collection of essays entitled K molodoi Rossii ("To a Young Russia") was published, which outlined the Mladorossi’s political aims in a language that “evoked the eschatological mood” of the young émigré generation.20 Around that time the young Vladimir Kirilovich (1917-1992), Kirill Vladmirovich’s son, came in closer contact with the Mladorossi.

Graf states, that the movement had very little financial means in the beginning, and only with difficulties could establish a first newsletter. The Mladorossi could nevertheless use the magazine of Peter Berngardovich Struve, an important Russian émigré editor, as platform for their ideas.21

Struve had represented General Anton Denikin's anti-Bolshevik government in Paris and London in 1919. With Denikin's resignation, and General Pyotr Wrangel's rise to the top in early 1920, Struve became Wrangel's foreign minister.22

In an official appeal “To the Russian People” («К русским людям») from October 1929, Kirill Vladimirovich officially approved the Mladorossi movement. On October 12, 1929, the first grand Mladorossi banquet was held in Paris. Invited were prominent personalities, such as Grand Duke André Vladimirovich, and leaders of the Legitimist Movement as well as various other sympathizers. The participants numbered around 250.

The Mladorossi leaders understood the importance of maintaining close relations with the royal family in Saint-Briac, whose support brought considerable prestige to the organization. Thus, up from 1930, it became a habit to organize yearly summer camps there, which are described at length by Graf.

Between 1930 and 1932 the Superior Council of the Mladorossi Union maintained also contact with General Anton Denikin and his associates.23 Denikin was a lieutenant general in the Imperial Russian Army, and afterwards a leading general of the White movement in the Russian Civil War, who was responsible for various pogroms in Ukraine.24

In 1931, the organization established a newspaper, the Mladorosskaia iskra ("The Spark of Young Russia"), published on a regular basis until 1939. Contributors were i.a. Kazembek, the writer Cyrille Wilczkowski, and Prince Sergei Sergeevich Obolensky.12

Grand Duke Dmitri Pavlovich Romanov of Russia and Alexander Kazem-Bek

In 1932 Kazembek succeeded in winning over Grand Duke Dimitri Pavlovich (1891-1942) as member of the Union,12 contrary to the wishes of Grand Duchess Victoria Fedorovna.25 Pavlovich was after Kirill the second in line in the succession to the throne, and by him gaining too much influence within the organisation, she probably feared his usurpation of the Legitimist movement. Over the course of the next few years, however, Pavlovich grew very disillusioned with the group, and he ultimately broke with it entirely.

Also in 1932 fifteen-year-old Vladimir Kirillovich officially joined the ranks of the Mladorossi. Other prominent members of the Romanov dynasty entered its ranks in 1935, amongst them the Grand Duchess Maria Pavlovna, the cousin of Prince Gavriil Konstantinovich, the nephew of Prince Dmitry Alexandrovich, and in 1938 Prince Vsevolod Ioannovich.

In September 1933 Kazembek took part in a trilateral conference of Russian fascists in Berlin, organized by the "Russian National-Socialist Movement" (Rossijskoe Osvoboditel’noe Narodnoe Dviženie, Russian National-Socialist Movement, short ROND), which was forbidden later that year. A photo shows Pavel Bermondt-Avalov of Aufbau fame in the center (with bow tie), at the time head of the ROND, left of him A. L. Kazembek, and Anastasy Vonsiatsky (Russian Fascist Party, All Russian National Revolutionary Party) on the right.

In 1934, following the assassination of Sergey Kirov, the Mladorossi prepared to take a more combative stance, since they saw the possibility of a national revolution in the Soviet Union. For that purpose the organization introduced a more "regimented paramilitary organizational structure."26 Kazembek was from then on called “glav” (head) and “vozhd” (leader), and the Union of Young Russians changed its name to Mladorossi party.27 The party decided to create two levels of membership: The aspirants (kandidate) had to go through a probation period, until they passed an exam to become full "Mladorossi."28

The movement reached its peak in 1934-1936,29 although the assumed membership numbers of the Mladorossi vary considerably. Hayes speaks of 1300 members worldwide, of which 800 were located in France, and 250 in Paris. Graf mentions 6000 active members,29 and Kazembek himself spoke of tens of thousands.26

In 1935-1936 Kazembek gave a series of lectures throughout France and other countries, which turned out extremely popular.30 In 1935, Kazembek managed to get received by Mussolini himself.31 After this visit, he was jokingly called "Duce." He and other leaders of the Union were enthusiastic about Italian fascism, and copied the hierarchical structure as well as the aesthetics of the Italian Fascist Party.

The Mladorossi received financial aid from various sources, although they were pretending to live off membership fees. Funds came i.a. from the Grand Duchess Victoria Feodorovna and her sister, the Queen Marie of Romania, King Alfonso XIII of Spain, Henry Ford, and wealthy people from the German Right.32 The treasurer of the movement was the son of Grand Duke Andrei Vladimirovich and Matilda Kshesinskaya, Prince Vladimir Krasinsky (1902-1974).

In 1937, Grand Duke Dmitri Pavlovitch and Kazembek decided that the annual congress of all Mladorossi leaders should be held in Saint-Briac, with around 30 attendees. Kirill Vladimiroch, although already seriously ill, agreed to the plan. Previously the annual conferences of the Union had been held in Paris under more formal conditions and without the presence of the royal family.33

In summer of 1937 Kazembek met General Count Alexey Alexeievich Ignatiev (1877-1954), former military attaché at the Russian embassy in France during WWI, residing in Paris at the time, who openly stood on the side of the Bolsheviks. Before embarking on a trip to Russia, he expressed the desire to meet Kazembek, probably on the instructions of Moscow. During that meeting in a coffee house in Paris several people belonging to the editorial staff of the newspaper “The Renaissance”, which had an adverse stance towards the Mladorossi, suddenly appeared.32 In the next issue of the newspaper Kazembek was denounced as agent of the Soviet powers.

It is not entirely clear, if and how long Kazembek was a Soviet agent. It appears established though that the Mladorossi movement was infiltrated by Soviet agents from an early stage. Graf mentions Oleg Partchevsky, and probably his brother in this regard.9

Under the pressure of these accusations Kazembek had to resign as leader of the Mladorossy party, and Kirill Valdimiroch withdrew his official support.32 The incident proved detrimental to the Mladorossi, and foreshadowed its disintegration. Graf writes in that regard34:

Without the support of the Legitimist Movement, no legitimate monarchist organization could exist. The party leadership had to resolve a dilemma, which road to take and how? The party was at a crossroads. This meant making a total change of personnel, breaking all ties with émigré circles, and perhaps even considering a return to the USSR. It may be that many of those who are now reading these lines conclude that this is precisely what happened, that Kasem-Beg, Wilczkowki and Obolensky had established contacts with the Soviets. Perhaps General Ignatiev played some role in this. This would explain why the French later arrested Kasem-Beg, Shevich, Wilczkowski and several others... It might also explain why the Germans placed the Mladorossi in a concentration camp when they attacked the USSR in 1941. Finally, it could explain how Kasem-Beg managed to emigrate to the United States with the help of the Soviet allies of the Americans at that time. Several Mladorossi returned to the USSR individually at various times. Among them were Kasem-Beg's father and sister who "returned" in September 1947. Kasem-Beg returned in the mid-1950s, leaving his wife and son in the United States.

In late 1937, when the administration and the organization of the Mladorossi party started to deteriorate, Harald Karlovich Graf took over the staff administration with Kirill’s permission.34 After Kirill Vladimirovich died in October 1938 his son Vladimir Kirillovich assumed the leadership of the Legitimist movement, and kept up the contact with the Mladorossi.

In 1939, just before the outbreak of WWII, many prominent members such as Stenger, Otfinovsky, and Grand Duke Dimitri Pavlovich left the organization.34 When France declared war, Kazembek pledged his party’s support for the Entente in a telegraph to then prime minister of France, Édouard Daladier.35

In May 1940, just after the beginning of the Battle of France, Kazembek announced the end of the Mladorossi party.36 Arrested with other foreign suspects in June 1940, he was interned in the concentration camp Verney. In 1940, he managed to escape with the help of Mladorossi Nicholas Dulger-Sheikin (also spelled Dulger-Sheiken), and 1941 finally emigrated to the USA. Dorril writes in this regard37:

The Mladorossy avoided the "solidarists" [NTS] of the OMi (Rosenberg’s Ostministerium) [Reich Ministry for the Occupied Eastern Territories], preferring to back the Waffen-SS-sponsored Russian liberationists. Its leader in Europe during the war was the Cossack Nicholas Dulger-Sheiken, who left Russia following the defeat of the White armies. British-educated, Sheiken lived during the thirties in Greece, where he joined the ‘Young Russians’. His true loyalties are difficult to disentangle, as he worked for German Intelligence while an agent for Greek counter-intelligence. He was, however, in contact with MI6 officers, including the managing director of a shipping company, Roger Gale, and a passport control official in the Athens embassy, Albert Crawford. He also knew ‘Father Dimitri’, alias David Balfour, who was said to be a personal friend of the Grand Duke Dimitri Pavlovitch. Before the war, Balfour had been in Paris working in émigré circles. In 1940, Sheiken arranged the escape of the Mladorossy leader, Kasem-Bek, from occupied France via Lisbon to the United States. Hitler’s invasion of Russia in June 1941 split the émigrés and some Mladorossy members refused to back the Nazis, preferring the more honourable option of fighting for the Russian national revolution in the French Army and Résistance.

Nicholas Dulger-Sheikin. Source: Peter Blythe, The Man Who Was Uncle: The Biography of a Master Spy (London: Barker, 1975).

Unfortunately there are only a very few unbiased sources about Dulger-Sheikin. Peter Huxley-Blythe, wrote his biography,38 who played a preeminent role in the British far right himself.39

After the official dissolution of the Mladorossi party, many of its remaining members joined the Résistance, and a minority decided to collaborate with the Germans.40

The Mladorossi's Balkan network had decided to go underground, probably already before the official dissolution. Huxley-Blythe writes41:

It was during this period that the leading members of the YRP [Young Russian Party = Mladorossi] in Greece reached the conclusion that if they were going to survive in the future they would have to go underground, and to accomplish that they applied part of the Communist strategy of self-betrayal. All YRP members in and around Athens were ordered to attend a meeting scheduled to be held at the home of the official YRP representative in Greece, George Rosallion-Soshalsky. When the arrangements had been made, Dulger went along to the police and denounced what was going to happen.

Since unannounced political gatherings were forbidden under General Metaxas, it appeared to authorities that they had “caught” the Mladorossi in flagranti, whereas they merely had staged the gathering for exactly that purpose.

Those YRP members who were considered to be unreliable, and those who had made long and incriminating statements to the police, were forgotten about. The remainder were contacted singly and formed into small underground cells to work under Dulger’s direction. Six of the best men were ordered to infiltrate another anti-Communist organization, the ‘Russian National Union’ whose leader, Dr Andrei Huntsaria, was 100 per cent pro-Nazi.42

Andrei Huntsaria was apparently hired by the Nazis to destroy the remainder of the Mladorossi network in the Balkans. Dulger-Sheikin claimed that Huntsaria’s ultimate sympathies may have lied with the Soviets (Huxley-Blythe, 33), not with the Nazis, but since the identity of Huntsaria could not be ascertained, this remains an open question. Apparently Dulger-Sheikin's cells were active throughout the war43:

After the war was over, Colonel Andonakeas, second-in-command of the Royalist Resistance Organization, wrote a book entitled Light on the Darkness of Occupation, in which he commented: 'Our organization was in touch throughout the entire occupation with the Acting Chief of the group operating under the initials YRP, Mr Nicholas Sheikin. This group dealt with espionage and sabotage against the Axis, and through the medium of its Chief it frequently gave us invaluable help. It consisted of Greeks and aliens, and was a branch of an international anti-Axis organization...'

After 1945

According to Stephen Dorril, the Mladorossi reconstituted themselves after WWII as Russian Revolutionary Force (RRF), “an émigré resistance movement apparently running psychological warfare operations, mostly from a radio station and with extensive leafletting, in the Balkans and the Southern states of the Soviet Union. Knupffer was its political officer with responsibility for fundraising, though from where he drew his financial support is not known.”44

Georgi Knupffer could possibly be a former bodyguard of the young Grand Duke Vladimir Kirillovich, since Graf mentioned a Mladorossi named „Knuppfer” in that position from 1928 to 1931. If it is the same Knupffer, he must have emigrated to great Britain at a later point, where he changed his name into "George Knupffer." According to Dorril45:

Georgi Knupffer, leader of the Mladorossy in Britain, was accused of spreading Tsarist propaganda among the PoWs. Born in St. Petersburg, Knupffer regarded the 1917 revolution as a plot by Jewish Bankers. In exile, he became heavily involved in monarchist politics, founding an Integralist organisation in Britain. He was said by fellow - but more moderate - anti-communist Geoffrey Stewart-Smith to be "well known in Britain for his anti-Semitic views" and for playing down evidence of Nazi war crimes.

Next to his activity within the RRF, Knupffer was also chairman of the Russian Supreme Monarchist Council, for which he published e.g. The Russian Claimant around 1970.46 In 1958 he wrote The Struggle for World Power: Revolution, Counter-Revolution that accuses freemasonry and international Jewish capital of waging a war for global dominance.47

Kazembek, during his time in the United States from 1944 to 1957, taught Russian language and literature at Yale University and Connecticut College. He was also contributing articles to the magazine United Church, the official body of the Patriarchal Exarchate in America, and later worked as assistant to the Patriarchal Exarch of North and South America, Archbishop (future metropolitan) Boris. In 1954, while visiting New Delhi, Kazembek applied for permission to return to the Soviet Union permanently.48 In 1957, he returned to the USSR, and until the end of his life worked as an employee of the Department for External Church Relations of the Moscow Patriarchate, and as member of the editorial board of its journal. In this function he was in charge of contacts with the Catholic Church. He died 1977 in Moscow.


  • Leon Dennen, White Guard Terrorists in the USA (New York: Friends of the Soviet Union, 1936),
  • Stephen Dorril, MI6: Inside the Covert World of Her Majesty’s Secret Intelligence Service (New York: Free Press, 2000).
  • Marina Gorboff, La Russie fantôme: l'émigration russe de 1920 à 1950 (L’Age d’Homme, 1995).
  • Harald Karlovich Graf, Au service de la Maison Impériale de Russie 1917-1941 (unpublished),
  • Nicholas Hayes, “Kazem-Bek and the Young Russians’ Revolution.” Slavic Review 39, No. 2 (1980): 255–68.
  • Peter Huxley-Blythe, The Man Who Was Uncle: The Biography Of A Master Spy (London: Arthur Baker, 1975).
  • Denis Jdanoff, Russische Faschisten - Der Nationalsozialistische Flügel Der Russischen Emigration Im Dritten Reich (Master Thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin,  2003),
  • Walter Laqueur, Der Schoß ist fruchtbar noch. Der militante Nationalismus der russischen Rechten (Knaur, 1993). (English original: Black Hundreds)
  • "Who shall be the emperor of Russia?," The Union of Russian Legitimist Monarchists (Ed.) (Munich: R. Oldenbourg, 1924),
  • 1. Harald Karlovich Graf, Au service de la Maison Impériale de Russie 1917-1941 (unpublished), 4,
  • 2. Graf, Au Service, 149; Denis Jdanoff, Russische Faschisten - Der Nationalsozialistische Flügel Der Russischen Emigration Im Dritten Reich (Master Thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, 2003), 22,
  • 3. "Alexandre Kasem-Beg insistait beaucoup pour que, dans le slogan « Tsar i soviety », le mot « soviety » soit écrit avec un « s » minuscule, pour bien souligner qu’il ne se référait pas à une fusion des idéologies du Tsar et des communistes russes, mais qu’il s’agissait d’une réforme administrative devant faciliter le passage d’un régime à l’autre. Il faut noter que les « Soviets » étant des institutions, suivant les règles de la grammaire russe, ils doivent s’écrire avec une majuscule.” Graf, Au Service, 148.
  • 4. Walter Laqueur, Der Schoß ist fruchtbar noch. Der militante Nationalismus der russischen Rechten (Knaur, 1993), 109.
  • 5. Laqueur, Der Schoß, 108.
  • 6. Nicholas Hayes, “Kazem-Bek and the Young Russians’ Revolution,” in Slavic Review 39, No. 2 (1980), 256-257.
  • 7. Alexander Kazembek quoted in Hayes, "Kazem-Bek," 261.
  • 8. Laqueur, Der Schoß, 108; Hayes, "Kazem-Bek," 260
  • 9. a. b. c. Graf, Au Service, 33.
  • 10. For more information on the Legitimist Movement see Graf, Au Service, Chapter 2: En Allemagne. La Naissance du Movement Legitimiste (1920-1924), 24 ff.
  • 11. Maybe Sergey Mikhaylovich Tolstoy (14 Sep 1911 - 12 Jan 1996);
  • 12. a. b. c. d. e. Graf, Au Service, 150.
  • 13. Nikolai Tolstoy, The Tolstoys, Twenty-Four Generations of Russian History, 1353-1983 (New York: William Morrow and Company Inc., 1983), 330,
  • 14. Hayes, "Kazem-Bek," 258.
  • 15. "In late June 1922, Scheubner-Richter, Biskupskii, and Poltavets-Ostranitsa […] traveled to Budapest. […] Despite the truncated nature of the talks in Budapest that Aufbau leaders participated in, the Aufbau contingent did manage to hold detailed discussions with Prince Mirza Kazem Bek, the president of the Russian Monarchical Club, which represented Hungary’s approximately 3,500 White émigrés. Kazem Bek had long cultivated close ties with Aufbau. Kazem Bek agreed to create an organization along the lines of Aufbau in Budapest that would serve as a Hungarian–Russian society. Scheubner-Richter announced that Aufbau would organize an economic representation in Hungary under the leadership of von Krause, a White émigré," Kellog, Russian Roots of Nazism.
  • 16. “Aleksandr Kazem-Bek Papers, 1898-2014,” Columbia University Libraries, Archival Collections,
  • 17. a. b. Hayes, "Kazem-Bek," 259.
  • 18. The Russian Legitimist,
  • 19. Graf, Au Service, 86.
  • 20. Hayes, "Kazem-Bek," 26.
  • 21. Laqueur, Der Schoß, 109.
  • 22. W. Bruce Lincoln. Red Victory: A History of the Russian Civil War, 1918-1921, NY, Simon and Schuster, 1989, (Da Capo Pres, 1999), 426.
  • 23. Graf, Au Service, 152.
  • 24. N. Gergel, The Pogroms in the Ukraine in 1918-21 (K. Pinson, Ed.), YIVO Annual of Jewish Social Science, VI, 1951, 237-252.
  • 25. Graf, Au Service, 64.
  • 26. a. b. Hayes, "Kazem-Bek," 263.
  • 27. Marina Gorboff, La Russie fantôme: l'émigration russe de 1920 à 1950 (L’Age d’Homme, 1995), 162.
  • 28. Graf, Au Service, 151.
  • 29. a. b. Graf, Au Service, 148.
  • 30. Graf, Au Service, 153.
  • 31. Graf, Au Service, 151, Gorboff, La Russie fantôme, 165.
  • 32. a. b. c. Gorboff, La Russie fantôme, 165.
  • 33. Graf, Au Service, 155.
  • 34. a. b. c. Graf, Au Service, 156.
  • 35. Hayes, "Kazem-Bek," 267.
  • 36. Gorboff, La Russie fantôme, 165.
  • 37. Stephen Dorril, MI6: Inside the Covert World of Her Majesty’s Secret Intelligence Service (New York: Free Press, 2000), 409.
  • 38. Peter Blythe, The Man Who Was Uncle: The Biography of a Master Spy (London: Barker, 1975).
  • 39. “Peter Huxley-Blythe,” The Telegraph, October 15, 2013,
  • 40. Gorboff, La Russie fantôme, 166; Hayes, "Kazem-Bek," 267.
  • 41. Peter Huxley-Blythe, The Man Who Was Uncle: The Biography Of A Master Spy (London: Arthur Baker, 1975), 26.
  • 42. Huxley-Blythe, The Man Who Was Uncle, 26-27.
  • 43. Huxley-Blythe, The Man Who Was Uncle, 58.
  • 44. Dorril, MI6, 417.
  • 45. Dorril, MI6, 414.
  • 46. George Knupffer and James Page, The Russian Claimant: The Grand Duke Wladimir of Russia. Published for the Supreme Monarchist Council by Monarchist Press Association.
  • 47. George Knupffer, The Struggle for World Power: Revolution, Counter-Revolution (G S G & Associates Pub, 1958).
  • 48. (in Russian) Valentin Nikitin, "A Mladorossi's Sunday of Forgiveness," March 4, 2002,
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