[This is the first part of a three part series that intends to shed light on Third Positionism, a far-right ideology that has given birth to a whole cluster of neofascist and neo-Nazi groups in Europe. Current-day Third Positionism continues to be strongly influenced by the neofascist ideologue Gabriele Adinolfi, whose activities will serve as an example to understanding the bigger picture of this ultraright political current.]
Since in much of post-WWII Europe explicit Nazi activity was illegal many resurgent far-right groups hid behind moderate sounding names, and in many cases adapted their rhetoric in order to draw younger generations into the “brown” orbit. It is against this backdrop that in the late 1970s the term “Third Position” (Terza Posizione) emerged in Italy: to denote a neofascist or neo-Nazi political position that attempted to blend the irreconcilable ideologies of nationalism and socialism into a “third” position. This was done in order to lure in a gullible youth drawn to leftist, progressive, and anti-capitalist ideas, just as Hitler had recognized the popularity of socialist ideas among large parts of the working class, and thus calling Nazism “national socialism”—a con job.
In the postwar era, there emerged several variants of Third Positionism that have assumed different names, reaching from Claudio Mutti’s and Franco Freda’s Nazi-Maoism to Alexander Dugin’s version of “neo-Eurasianism,” and current-day Identitarianism.
The ideology of this particular current of “Third Positionist” neofascism and neo-Nazism generally stays within the narrow limits of an inherently völkisch (pagan) and racist worldview, and thus only cosmetically differs from openly and explicitly pro-Nazi substructures replete with swastikas and photographs of Hitler. This “pagan camp” differs from Christian (not pagan) post-war neofascist and neo-Nazi currents, including Christian White supremacists and Catholic integralist groups, but all of the above’s linear antecedents are in the fascist and Nazi parties of the 1930s.
Gabriele Adinolfi's profile picture on Facebook in 2015.
A note on nomenclature:
The term Terza Posizione (“Third Position”) first appeared in Italy with the emergence of a short-lived organization of the same name (1978-1982), whose co-founder was Gabriele Adinolfi. In France, where Adinolfi lived for nearly a decade following his flight from Italy after the 1980 neo-Nazi terror bombings in Bologna, this current is called Troisième Voie (“Third Way”). In Germany the term Querfront (“Lateral Front”) is used, and denotes an ideology that ostensibly combines far-right with left discourses (“Third Positionism”), as well as an alliance of far-right and left political forces (“Red-Brown alliance”). In Germany, there also exists an explicitly Third Positionist minority party, Der III. Weg, founded in 2013.
In trying to be clear about what a term like “neo-Nazi” means today it is important to understand the nature of the original Nazi movement itself as an extreme form of the fascist movements growing at the time across Europe and the US out of the devastation of WWI and the general crisis of capital culminating in the Great Depression.
The original Nazi movement was largely an umbrella term under which several currents can be identified, including Catholic, Lutheran (Protestant-Evangelical), and pagan adherents along with the interests of capitalists and feudalist landlords (Junkers), who never gave up their hatred for the modernist rise of capitalism which challenged their feudal world order and social positions. These feudal interests were often allied with conservative Church, most notably Bavarian Catholic, structures. Added to this were both right-wing elements of the military around General Ludendorff and “lumpenized” and unemployed workers suffering under the economic crisis of the global depression.
Hitler, having recognized the attraction of socialist ideas to significant members of the working class, added the term “socialist” to the Nazi title, and deployed the brothers Gregor and Otto Strasser to organize a Nazi Labor Front of workers in support of his movement (see Strasserism). It was this mix of “anti-capitalist” Nazi workers and “anti-capitalist” feudalists that provided a profoundly reactionary “anti-capitalist” and violently hostile counter-movement to the progressive anti-capitalism embodied in the communist and left social democratic parties and workers movement.
Gregor Strasser (to the right of Hitler) participating in the party congress on the occasion of the reestablishment of the NSDAP in early 1925. To the right of Strasser: Heinrich Himmler. To Hitler's left: Franz Xaver Schwarz, Walter Buch and Alfred Rosenberg.
This tendency of Nazi “anti-capitalism” was embodied in the völkisch (pagan) racism of the Sturmabteilung (SA) of Ernst Röhm, which was demolished at the demand of the modernist Krupp-allied1 members of the Nazi movement and its allied military during the “Night of the Long Knives” (June 30 – July 2, 1934). The purge of the SA was carried out by Heinrich Himmler’s SS, although the core völkisch (pagan) racism persisted within the SS and particularly its Ahnenerbe unit, responsible for racial purity and Nordic mysticism. (It was with this unit that the Italian fascist writer Julius Evola was associated, who was the arch-inspiration for the Italian Third Positionists.)
Julius Evola (1889-1974) was an Italian fascist writer, conspiracy theorist and occultist. He has been described as a fascist intellectual, a radical traditionalist, antiegalitarian, antiliberal, antidemocratic, antipopular, and as the leading philosopher of Europe’s neofascist movement. [Source: wikipedia.org]
Indicative of the truly anti-worker intent of the leaders of this Nazi Labor Front “anti-capitalist” tendency, both Otto and Gregor Strasser, along with Rudolf Hess, Ernst Röhm, Hans Frank and other important Nazis, had joined the bloody Freikorps unit of the genocidal racist Colonel, and later Nazi Generalmajor, Franz Ritter von Epp. The Freikorps carried out the bloody and murderous assaults against the progressive, left, socialist and communist workers movements in 1918 – 1919 and in the crushing of the Munich Soviet in 1919. Otto Strasser’s work in the labor movement was specifically to create an anti-socialist, anti-left Nazi Labor Front grounded in the medieval Nazi mysticism of the SA and its allied forces.
Just as in the fascist and Nazi movements of the 1920s and 1930s capitalist and reactionary pseudo-“anti-capitalist” positions co-existed, although tensions certainly persisted, today the post-war neo-Nazi and broader neofascist movements also have formed (and dismantled) varying alliances. The persistence of the pseudo-anti-capitalism of the 1930s Strasserite movement has had an appeal to certain unstable elements who claim to be “leftists.” The resulting alliance is what is referred to as “red-brown,” i.e. left “red” allied with right neofascist/neo-Nazi “brown” against the capitalist/bourgeois “center.”
Unable to distinguish the evident problems of Weimar from the horrors of the Third Reich, unstable elements of the so-called Left today are being drawn into a trap by the more sophisticated and deadly Right into abandoning the flawed Center without building a capacity to challenge the greater power of the Right.
In fact, of course, it is no more a Red-Brown alliance than was the Strasserite movement to create a Nazi Labor Front a genuine workers movement. Brown can only take power if the Center is weakened and the Right is perfectly willing to recruit naive, angry or frustrated “leftists” into its war on the center, just as the Strasser brothers did nearly a century ago.
The website of the influential Russian Third Positionist neofascist Alexander Dugin used to carry the phrase “Left and Right Against the Center,” and to facilitate this there has been an effort to deny that “left” and “right” are useful terms at all, thereby breaking down the conceptual dichotomy, while pretending that both wings are really united in the fight against the bourgeois capitalist center.
Far from being a fringe phenomenon, this train of thought reaches into current discussions in the so-called Left. On October 19, 2018, Alexander Dugin led a conference in Moscow where the young American “leftist” Caleb Maupin played the “red” foil to Dugin’s demand for a left-right populist alliance against the capitalist-bourgeois global center.2 Recently Nick Brana, a former leader of the Bernie Sanders movement in an interview with pro-rightist Kim Iversen called for merging the US Rightwing into his “leftist” Movement for a Peoples’ Party.3
With no serious Communist Left able to clarify the true goals of this rightist ploy, the mainstream centrist parties in Europe and the US have been continuously weakened and the more structured – and armed—right forces are growing. What we saw in Italy during the violence of the late 1960s and 1970s was how a group of young neofascists inspired by Julius Evola and others, reformulated their image as militant ultraleftists and carried out a series of violent provocations under a false flag—all to the benefit of the Right. In order to retrace the history of this so-called Third Positionism, the story of Gabriele Adinolfi, one of its preeminent leaders, may serve as an example.
The Italian brand of Third Positionism (Terza Posizione) has its roots in the postwar Italian neofascist scene, but seamlessly builds on the old fascist and Nazi networks of WWII, from which it inherited some key ideological elements. Its explicitly pan-European outlook can be traced back to the early 1940s, after the Nazi regime had launched its invasion of the USSR, and for strategic reasons decided to readjust its propaganda along a pan-Europeanist platform.4 In order to rally foreign legions and volunteers, Germanic supremacy or emphasizing racial inequalities could no longer serve as a propaganda narrative, and the myth of European supremacy was deployed to rally non-German support for the Axis powers. The collaborationist units of the Waffen-SS in various European countries became the heroes and models for the pan-European myth of many postwar neofascists, such as Oswald Mosley and his Europe a Nation vision, and their network the basis for a regrouping of postwar fascists and Nazis. This regrouping, as we know now, has in many instances been supported by Western secret services during the surging Cold War, in order to instrumentalize these networks in an anticommunist capacity.
Initially, Germany’s first secret service was entirely made up of former Nazi military intelligence agents, and key figures in Konrad Adenauer’s government (1949-1963) were Nazi criminals. In France, collaborationist elements that have gathered in groups such as the Organisation armée secrète were supported in the war against Algeria’s liberation movement. In Italy, neofascist groups and parties, such as Movimento Sociale Italiano, Ordine Nuovo and Avanguardia Nazionale, were supported to defame the left, going as far as the deployment of domestic false-flag terrorism and murders. The instances of support of postwar fascist and Nazi networks by Western intelligence are too numerous to be recounted here, but the previous examples may give a glimpse of the immediate postwar reality, where both “Atlanticists,” Nazis, and fascists entered a dangerous liaison, facing the same enemies: the rise of communism and the national liberation movements in the “Third World.”
In Italy, whose history in this regard has been well studied,5 several neofascist groupings have been involved in what became known as the Strategy of Tension. The term has emerged in the Italian context as a designation for a strategy whereby tension is created to which average citizens would react with a wish for a “strong hand,” or a more authoritarian rule, and which should serve as a pretext for state militarization under the protection of NATO.
To kill three birds with one stone, a series of domestic terrorist attacks, which were to be blamed on the Left, was to be staged to create that tension.6 For their execution, networks nurtured in the context of a project commonly known as Operation Gladio were relied on, coordinated by American and several European secret services, as well as elusive NATO substructures, such as the Clandestine Planning Committee, and the Allied Clandestine Committee.7 Gladio foresaw the recourse to former Nazi collaborationists and right-wing extremist networks all over Europe with a two-fold purpose: as a “stay-behind” network in the case of a war with the Soviet Union and to stop by all means the surging Left. Gladio was only revealed in 1990, after Italy’s prime minister Giulio Andreotti had been forced to admit its existence under immense pressure; its revelation led to the passage of a joint resolution of the European Community against Gladio.
While on a political level death threats, blackmail and bribery were to stop an advance of the Left (Operation Demagnetize), the Italian Gladio network was looking to far-right extremist groups to break up the Left through various more violent means, including terror attacks, murder, infiltration, defamation, and street battles. Instrumentalized were predominantly gullible youngsters, some of whom were paid for pretending to be leftists, in order to infiltrate leftist, and to create pseudo-leftist, groups. In April 1968, 51 Italian neofascist students participated in a trip to Greece, together with around 60 students from the “League of Greek Fascist Students in Italy,” organized in collaboration with Italian military intelligence and the Greek junta. According to journalist and author Frédéric Laurent “more than half of the Italians (...) returned from Athens suddenly converted to Anarchism, Leftism, or to Communism, preferably Chinese,”8 and started to infiltrate leftist groups.
The first major false-flag attack occurred on December 12, 1969, in a bank on Piazza Fontana in Milan, where a bomb explosion resulted in 17 people dead and many more injured. The attack initially was attributed to anarchists of the obscure Circolo anarchico 22 marzo that had only been created in October of that year, inter alia by former Avanguardia Nazionale (AN) member Mario Merlino, most likely for the sole purpose of having a leftist group to blame. Only later the terrorists Guido Giannettini and Stefano Delle Chiaie were identified as the local masterminds of the attack, supported by members of the neofascist groups AN and Ordine Nuovo. Both were agents of the Portuguese Aginter Press, a fake press agency that was basically a mercenary terrorist organization, consisting in large part of Organisation armée secrète members, doing dirty work for various Western secret services. Aginter not only had instructed members of Delle Chiaie’s in the use of explosives,9 but it also provided them with fake identities to help them escape justice. Twenty years later, questioned by an investigation commission, Delle Chiaie revealed that AN had been implicitly involved in an operation ordered by an organization linked to the CIA and certain Italian anti-communist circles.10
Inside the Banca Nazionale dell'Agricoltura after the Piazza Fontana bombing in 1969.
According to a 2000 report by the German broadcaster ZDF, “Aginter agent Giannettini was also working with the CIA and BND [German foreign secret service Bundesnachrichtendienst]. His task: to destabilize the political system with attacks. Right-wing terrorism that should appear as terror from the left.”11
It is against this backdrop that our protagonist, Gabriele Adinolfi, comes into play. He was born in Rome in 1954 and, by his early twenties, had joined Avanguardia Nazionale in the period after the 1969 bombing (1973-1975?),12 when Delle Chiaie was already living in hiding in Francoist Spain, and Adriano Tilgher had taken over the leadership of the group. When the two most important militant extra-parliamentary groups, AN and Ordine Nuovo, were outlawed and dissolved in 1976, this opened a vacuum in the right-wing-extremist arena that resulted in the creation of several extra-parliamentary far-right groupings.
With a sentiment that the “old guard” of the “black fascist international” behind the early Strategy of Tension (Ordine Nuovo, Avanguardia Nazionale, etc.) had been instrumentalizing the far-right youth by having them execute the most dangerous actions, while taking advantage of the fruits, many younger far-right cadres went their own ways. This development was paralleled on a political level by a loss of consensus among the youth of the neofascist party Movimento Sociale Italiano (Italian Social Movement, MSI), parts of which deemed the strictly anti-communist and pro-Atlanticist direction of MSI leader Giorgio Almirante as outdated bloc thinking. Furthermore, seeing the successes of left agitation in the course of the student protests in the late 1960s, some far-right youngsters looked for a new format that would combine fascist doctrine with the modern appeal of left agitation strategies and social discourses.
Terza Posizione (Italy) (1978-1982)
Terza Posizione's logo is a variation of the Wolfsangel ("wolf trap") symbol, widely used in the Nazi era, with the central bar substituted by a fist holding a hammer.
In view of the above, Adinolfi, as a teenager affiliated to MSI’s youth group Giovane Italia, became a founding member of the neofascist “movement” Terza Posizione (“Third Position,” TP) in the late 1970s. TP had grown out of the far-right student organization Lotta Studentesca, founded in 1976 by Adinolfi together with fellow neofascists Walter Spedicato, Giuseppe Dimitri and Roberto Fiore in 1976. In 1978 Lotta Studentesca renamed itself Terza Posizione, by then mainly composed of ex-members of previously existing neofascist, and partly terrorist, groups, such as Ordine Nuovo, Avanguardia Nazionale, Lotta di Popolo, and Fronte Studentesco. Peppe Dimitri was the leader of the group, while Roberto Fiore and Gabriele Adinolfi were TP’s most important ideologues. TP was a very short-lived “movement” (outlawed 1980; dissolved 1982), ideologically oriented toward traditionalism, nationalism, anti-parliamentarism and militarism. TP rejected both capitalism and communism, pledging instead for a political and economic “Third Position.” But despite the conciliatory sounding name, TP was clearly a right-wing extremist organization, drawing its inspiration mainly from (neo)fascist ideologues, such as Julius Evola, Pierre Drieu la Rochelle and Corneliu Codreanu. With some TP members increasingly pledging for an armed struggle, they joined in parallel another group, the Nuclei Armati Rivoluzionari (Armed Revolutionary Nuclei, NAR), which turned into the militant arm of TP within a short period.
The history of TP radically changed its course after August 2, 1980, the day when a bomb explosion caused a massacre at the Bologna train station, killing 85 people and wounding 200. Within hours of the attack, then Prime Minister Francesco Cossiga saw a fascist matrix behind the massacre. With all leads pointing to members of TP and the NAR, an arrest warrant was issued against Adinolfi, Fiore, and others. Fiore fled to London, while Adinolfi fled to France, where he subsequently lived for almost 20 years underground. During that time, however, Adinolfi traveled back and forth between Italy, the United Kingdom and France, where he lives today. How Adinolfi (and several of his colleagues) could live undetected for almost 20 years, and what were his means of subsistence, remain unknown.
His whitewashing account13 of his life during the later phase of the Years of Lead certainly did not clarify the matter. The escape of the TP executives abroad after the 1980 Bologna massacre was deemed cowardly behavior by the NAR toward the other militants, which was also followed by accusations against Fiore and Adinolfi of having taken with them the “cashier” of the movement. Letting it be understood that TP’s leaders had left the movement in disarray, a behavior no longer acceptable by the NAR, the group even tried to kill Fiore and Adinolfi on more than one occasion.14
Ruins of the Bologna station west wing after the bombing on August 2, 1980.
While living underground, first in France, then in the UK, and then mostly moving back and forth between France and Italy, Adinolfi was involved in the publication of several magazines (Terza Posizione, Dixie). During this early period in France he became acquainted with the French fascist Christian Bouchet who played an important role in the French far right and helped launch the French Troisieme Voie (Third Way) which was ultimately dissolved by order of the French government in 2013. Bouchet had been a close associate of the Russian neo-Nazi Alexander Dugin for many years. From 1985 to 1995 he ran the “Study Center for Orientation and Research” (Centro Studi Orientamenti & Ricerca), together with TP co-founder Walter Spedicato, dedicated to developing and spreading neofascist Third Positionist ideology. In over a decade, the Centro published several political documents as well as a quarterly. After Spedicato’s death in 1992, the Centro continued for three more years before ceasing its activities. What else Adinolfi was involved in throughout the 1990s remains obscure. When in March 2000 the arrest warrant against him was finally dropped, and he (officially) returned to Italy,15 Adinolfi intensified his publishing activity. The same year he released an ideological tract on Third Positionism, Noi Terza Posizione (“Our Third Position”), written together with the notorious self-identified fascist Roberto Fiore, followed by several other books on far-right politics and history.
National secretary of the far-right Forza Nuova party, Roberto Fiore, posing in front of a Wolfsangel flag.
Former NAR member Fiore, who after his flight following the Bologna bombing had managed to live underground in the UK, has been instrumental in anchoring Third Positionism there, and had a “catalytic influence on the new ideological direction of the [British] National Front,” according to Nicholas Goodrick-Clarke, a researcher of the far right. “Roberto Fiore and his colleagues helped the NF forge a new militant elitist philosophy that foreswore electoral strategies in favor of educating and training a fanatical, quasi-religious ‘New Man’ in select cadres for a national revolution.”16 Fiore also helped to build the International Third Position, formed by members of the “Political Soldier” faction of the British National Front under Derek Holland and Nick Griffin. Upon Fiore’s return to Italy in 1997, he founded the neofascist Forza Nuova party.
In contrast to Fiore, Adinolfi did not get directly involved in politics, but concentrated on extra-parliamentary activities, such as the creation of several journals and websites in the early 2000s. In 2001, he was instrumental in reinvigorating and reconceptualizing the Italian far-right magazine Orion during a “summer university” program in Lombardy. Since 2004, Adinolfi has been managing the news website www.noreporter.org, and around that time also founded the think tank and publishing house Centro Studi Polaris, which remained active until about 2016. The Centro Polaris organized several national and international conferences and meetings, and has a long list of publications“including a DVD series, three books (Geopolitics of drugs and oil, Immigration, and Earthquakes), multi-level communication courses, cadre courses and a quarterly magazine.”
Meanwhile, Adinolfi also started to write articles for various far-right newspapers, including the French extreme right-wing and antisemitic magazine Rivarol. From 2003 onward Adinolfi was involved in the organization of the notorious “Honor Guard of Benito Mussolini (Guardia d’Onore Benito Mussolini), which is keeping watch over Italy’s former fascist leader’s grave.
Honor Guard of Benito Mussolini
It was also from 2003 onward that Adinolfi started to appear frequently as a speaker at far-right events, and got involved in the creation of the neofascist movement CasaPound. On his online schedule, Adinolfi has painstakingly documented his activities since 2003, the founding year of CasaPound (CP), which started out with the occupation of empty houses by far-right squatters. It reveals that Adinolfi attended the inauguration of CP on December 27, 2003. The entry for this day reads: “Inauguration - together with approximately hundred people - of the newly occupied CasaPound: allocation of vacant premises to families, creation of a center against usury and the high costs of living.”
When the CP was established, Adinolfi did not publicly appear as a figurehead of the movement, and called himself a mere “patron,” but his central role in its creation is certainly acknowledged by prominent figures of the far right. In 2010, the German New Right magazine Sezession (Götz Kubitschek) published a long feature about CP written by Martin Lichtmesz, in which he traces the movement back to Adinolfi: “Among the exposed heads of CasaPound are the mastermind Gabriele Adinolfi, co-founder of the group Terza Posizione, which was active in the seventies and closely linked to ‘black terrorism,’ and the 1973-born Gianluca Iannone, a bearded, tattooed giant who cultivates the image of a rough motorcycle rocker and has additional cult status as the head of the hardcore band Zetazeroalfa.”
CasaPound's headquarters in Via Napoleone III n. 8, Rome.
In 2004, Adinolfi held 13 lectures at CP, including one on the fascist ideologue Julius Evola (“Julius Evola, the Empowering Legend”), whose importance in the Third Positionist context cannot be overemphasized. Most of the events were “experimental courses” (corsi sperimentali) developed in the framework of his Centro Studi Polaris. In CasaPound several of the most nasty currents of the Italian far right come together. The movement interfaces with dozens of other far-right projects, which have been meticulously listed in an article by Patria Independente, reaching from far-right sport and mixed martial arts clubs, to commercial and cultural projects.
Until 2008, CP was closely linked to the neofascist party Fiamma Tricolore, a far-right split-off from the neofascist MSI party, whose first leader, Pino Rauti (1926-2012), was implicated in the 1969 Piazza Fontana bombing. But after an internal dispute in 2008 they split, and CP appeared as a social association.
In 2012 CP turned into a party, and from early on supported the Alliance of European National Movements (AENM), an ultranationalist far-right European party founded in 2009 and led by Jobbik’s Béla Kovács. When the Centro Studi Polaris ceased its activities around 2016, Adinolfi opened a new think tank, EurHope, which was supported by the AENM, and in the run-up to the 2019 European elections, CP, which in the meantime had ceased its status as a party, was openly supporting the AENM.
Adinolfi and his close collaborator, Pascal Lassalle, apparently have very good contacts to Ukrainian neo-Nazis. Although not having appeared on Ukrainian far-right platforms himself, close colleagues of Adinolfi from France and Italy have, among them former Mouvement d’action sociale figurehead Lassalle and Alberto Palladino. In 2017, Lassale had delivered a “special message” by Adinolfi to Ukrainian nationalists in the framework of the neo-Nazi Third Positionist Paneuropa Conference in Kyiv. In a report written by one of the organizers, Olena Semenyaka, the “coordinator of the Department of International Relations of the ‘Azov’ regiment ‘Azov Reconquista,’” one can read in regard to Adinolfi17:
… [Lassalle] recited an honorable address to the Ukrainian revolution by this legendary co-founder of Italian Terza Posizione who back in times of the Maidan revolution was far-sighted enough to see that “Eurasia is a Utopia, the Kremlin and the White House are the Heirs of Yalta.” … [The] Current European Union, undoubtedly, is the very opposite of the traditional empire: it’s artificial, maintained by the police control and devoid of the cultural foundation. In full accord with Gabriele Adinolfi, Pascal Lassalle underlines that Europe hasn’t really broken free from the post-war Yalta world’s partition into the Washington-dominated (along with its Brussels puppets) and Moscow-dominated areas. Notwithstanding the ongoing chauvinistic encroachments of the neo-Soviet Russian Federation, Ukrainians, in his opinion, should also beware the threat of American globalization.
Members of the neo-Nazi Azov Battalion. Source: Belltower News.
The speech touches upon a sensitive contradiction of the neo-Nazi Azov Battalion (now part of Ukraine’s gendarmery National Guard, and of a political party called National Corps), which on the one hand received funds from the U.S. government, but at the same time has an unmistakably Third Positionist outlook. This becomes clear when analyzing the organizations the participants of the Paneuropa Conference were hailing from, including CasaPound, Der III. Weg, Bastion Social (formerly Groupe Union Défense), or the now defunct “neo-bolshevik” Mouvement d’action sociale. Just as a reminder: the Azov Battalion formed during the Western-backed coup against Ukraine’s government under Viktor Yanukovych in 2014, but has its roots in a Ukrainian neo-Nazi hooligan group dating back to the 1980s. There has surfaced ample evidence that the Azov Battalion had received support from the U.S. government, which has armed and advised the neo-Nazis in its proxy war against Russia. Trump’s impeachment campaign was in part based on the 2018 provision passed by the U.S. Congress that blocked military aid to Azov.
Parts 2 and 3 of this dispatch will look into Adinolfi’s current entanglements in France and Greece, including the so-called Lansquenets, a fascist elite cadre, whose figurehead he is. They reveal his involvement with proponents hailing from long existing and new right-wing extremist groups, such as the Groupe Union Défense, Ordre Nouveau, Bastion Sociale, and Dissidence Française.
- 1. The Krupp family, a prominent 400-year-old German dynasty, is famous for their production of steel, artillery, ammunition and other armaments. The family business was the largest company in Europe at the beginning of the 20th century, and was the premier weapons manufacturer for Germany in both world wars.
- 2. “Conference ‘The alternatives to globalism: the strategies of the multipolar world.’ Part 1,” geopolitica.ru, April 29, 2018, https://www.geopolitica.ru/en/studio/conference-alternatives-globalism-strategies-multipolar-world-part-1. (defunct)
- 3. “A Movement For A Viable Third Party, A People's Party - Nick Brana,” Kim Iversen on YouTube, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=w9f1izqMtnI.
- 4. Jean-Yves Camus and Nicolas Lebourg, Far-Right Politics in Europe (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2017), 9–10, 38.
- 5. Nicola Rao, Trilogia della celtica. La vera storia del neofascismo italiano (La fiamma e la celtica; Il sangue e la celtica; Il piombo e la celtica) (Milan: Sperling & Kupfer, 2014); Pauline Picco, Liaisons dangereuses : les extrêmes droites en France et en Italie (1960-1984) (Rennes: Presses Universitaires de Rennes, 2016); Franco Ferraresi, Threats to Democracy: The Radical Right in Italy after the War (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1996).
- 6. Instrumental in the organization of these attacks was a colloquium on “revolutionary warfare” on May 3-5, 1965, in Rome, “quasi-exclusively financed by the SIFAR,” then Italy’s military intelligence agency. According to René Monzat, “this colloquium provided the theoretical framework for the strategy of tension.” René Monzat, Enquêtes sur la droite extrême (Le Monde-éditions, 1992), 91. Monzat quotes François Duprat, L’Ascension du MSI (Paris: Edition les Sept Couleurs, 1972). Among the 20 students who participated, several had already been on SIFAR’s payroll to infiltrate and break up left-wing groups and demonstrations (among them, Stefano Delle Chiaie, Guido Giannettini, and probably also Mario Merlino). Eduardo González Calleja, “Entre dos continentes. Estrategia de la tensión desde la ultraderecha latinoamericana a la europea,” in Tiempo Devorado, Vol. 4, No. 1, 172, https://revistes.uab.cat/tdevorado/article/download/v4-n1-calleja/pdf_91.
- 7. Daniele Ganser, “Terrorism in Western Europe: An Approach to NATO’s Secret Stay-Behind Armies,” in Whitehead Journal of Diplomacy and International Relations, South Orange, NJ, Winter/Spring 2005, Vol. 6, No. 1, www.php.isn.ethz.ch/kms2.isn.ethz.ch/serviceengine/Files/PHP/18583/ipublicationdocument_singledocument/f4e652a3-cad7-4284-9aae-243b630f3440/en/Terrorism_Western_Europe.pdf.
- 8. Frédéric Laurent, L’Orchestre noir: Enquête sur les réseaux néo-fascistes (Paris: Nouveau Monde, 2013), 75.
- 9. It has also transpired “that instructors of Aginter Press... came to Rome between 1967 and 1968 and instructed the militant members of Avanguardia Nazionale in the use of explosives.” Judge Guido Salvini hearing before the Italian Parliamentary Commission of investigation on terrorism in Italy, 9th session of 12 February 1997 (9ª SEDUTA - MERCOLEDI 12 FEBBRAIO 1997, Presidenza del Presidente PELLEGRINO), https://web.archive.org/web/20160303175430/http://www.parlamento.it/parlam/bicam/terror/stenografici/steno9.htm, quoted in Daniele Ganser, NATO’s Secret Armies. Operation Gladio and Terrorism in Western Europe (Routledge, 2005), 120.
- 10. Nicola Rao, La fiamma e la celtica (Milan: Sperling & Kupfer, 2010) 57.
- 11. Egmont Koch and Oliver Schröm, “Kennzeichen D: BND-Schmiergeld,” ZDF, February 16, 2000, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qqCFYC6nF7I. A transcript of the English translation is available at https://web.archive.org/web/20160412154446/https://www.scribd.com/doc/212742949/Kennzeichen-D-Report-False-Flag-Terrorism-in-Italy-English-Subs.
- 12. Nicola Rao, Il sangue e la celtica (Milan: Sperling & Kupfer, 2008), 45.
- 13. Gabriele Adinolfi, Années de plomb et semelles de vent (Paris: Les Bouquins de Synthèse Nationale, 2014).
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- 17. “1st Paneuropa Conference Report,” Reconquista Europe (undated), http://reconquista-europe.tumblr.com/post/161847863121/1st-paneuropa-conference-report-the-1st-paneuropa. Archived version: https://web.archive.org/web/20180825221000/https://reconquista-europe.tumblr.com/post/161847863121/1st-paneuropa-conference-report-the-1st-paneuropa.